The Ever-Growing Refugee CrisisFriday, September 8, 2017
This article originally appeared at ProvidenceMag.com. Used with permission.
Many states have taken more refugees than their capacity allows, thus putting a strain on their countries. This is certainly the case in Germany, which has received more than a million asylum-seekers. In 2016 alone, there were 745,545 asylum applications in Germany, and more than 890,000 in 2015. Despite the generosity of Germany and other states, the demand for safe havens for those fleeing war zones is great, and is very difficult to assuage.
The refugee crisis concerns people from multiple countries, most notably Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, Eritrea, Nigeria, Iran and the Ukraine. The refugees represent many ethnic and religious groups. The only thing they have in common is that they found themselves in conflict zones and had to flee for their lives. Depending on the circumstances, some groups of refugees may face extra obstacles that prevent them from accessing the necessary services available to expats.
A new report from the Heritage Foundation suggests that Christian refugees from Syria find themselves in a worse situation than other refugees. The authors of that report indicate that Syrian Christians do not wish to register with United Nations agencies, which would trigger the resettlement process. The reasons given are that Syrian Christians may be reluctant to go to camps out of fear of persecution, and the U.N. staff is unwilling to register Christian Syrians. The report cites the statistics:
In Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq and Egypt, the registration rate for Syrian Christians is 1.5 percent, 0.2 percent, 0.3 percent and 0.1 percent, respectively, of all registered refugees. Yet over 16 percent of registered Iraqi refugees in the Middle East and North Africa region are Christians, and Christians constituted almost 29 percent of all Iraqis resettled to the U.S. from FY 2011 to FY 2016.
But the statistics may portray a different situation. Despite the fact that Syria and Iraq have been struggling with humanitarian crises, the reality of Christian minorities in both countries may be worlds apart.
The situation for Christians in Iraq has been dire much longer than it has been in Syria. Iraqi Christians began facing great difficulty around 2003, and their situation peaked when the Islamic State established its so-called caliphate in many regions of Iraq, and began its genocidal campaign against religious minorities (aiming to destroy religious pluralism in the region and establishing a purely Islamic state). Christians here are split between those who want to stay in the area, those who wish to live as internally displaced persons in Kurdistan, and those who do not see any future in Iraq, so desire to resettle in different countries, living as refugees across the region (predominately in Jordan and Lebanon).
Even if the Islamic State is defeated, there is no guarantee that Christians will be safe in the region.
During my trips to the Middle East in September and November 2016, I interviewed numerous Iraqi Christians living as IDPs in Kurdistan and living as “refugees” in Jordan. From my interviews, it became apparent that many of the IDPs who stayed in the camps in Erbil, Kurdistan still hope that they can return to their homes once ISIS leaves. Many of the predominately Christian towns were freed in the second half of 2016, but returning will take time because the Islamic State destroyed so many villages and towns. While visiting the Nineveh Plains near Mosul, I saw many volunteers clearing rubble and ash from places like Qaraqosh. Qaraqosh is being rebuilt, although very slowly, and more than 430 Christian families have also returned to Teleskof. A lot of work needs to be done before the remaining IDPs will be able to return home.
Meanwhile, the majority of Iraqi Christians I met in Jordan were reluctant to return. As they told me, ISIS was not the only problem. Discrimination and persecution of Christians had occurred for years, and the Islamic State was the catalyst that pushed them to leave. Even if ISIS is defeated, there is no guarantee that Christians will be safe in the region. This insecurity makes many of them leave the cradle of Christianity and seek new (but also uncertain) beginnings abroad.
The situation in Syria is different. Indeed, with no end in sight, the civil war has been ongoing since 2011, and United Nations agencies have estimated that the death toll from the last six years has surpassed 400,000. But the main difference is that many Syrian Christians believe they have a future in Syria and under President Bashar al-Assad. Assad is considered to be the defender of Christian minorities in Syria, as Saddam Hussein was similarly perceived in Iraq. Many Syrian Christians worry that once Assad is gone, they will face the same fate as Iraqi Christians suffered after Hussein’s fall.
Differences between Iraqi and Syrian Christians’ perception regarding their future in the Middle East cannot be neglected in any analysis of their willingness to resettle or to register with relevant U.N. agencies.
However, as correctly identified in the Heritage Foundation’s report, some Christians are indeed afraid to go to refugee camps. This is the case not only in the Middle East, but also all across Europe. A report released by the Observatory on Intolerance and Discrimination against Christians in Europe from 2015 indicated that many Christian refugees came all the way to Europe and were discriminated against or persecuted in refugee camps because of their faith. Similarly, Christian minorities from the region are reluctant to register out of fear of bias experienced from the interpreters or the U.N. staff members. These are serious concerns and need to be addressed urgently.
What can the United States do to help the refugee crisis?
The Trump Administration has promised to prioritize Christian victims of ISIS atrocities. In January 2017, shortly after taking office, President Donald Trump signed the so-called “Trump Ban,” an executive order banning citizens of some predominately Muslim countries (Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Syria, Sudan and Yemen) from entering the United States. That measure promised to prioritize religious minorities persecuted in their countries of origin for resettlement. This meant that Christian and Yazidi victims of ISIS genocide could have been prioritized to resettle to the U.S.
The travel ban was ultimately lifted, however, on March 6, and a revised executive order followed (“Trump Ban 2.0”). The revised order still bans citizens of the same countries as per the original executive order, with an exception of Iraq. However, contrary to the original executive order, the revised order does not prioritize persecuted religious minorities.
Victims of Islamic State genocide require urgent help. This includes ensuring that people who wish to leave affected areas are prioritized for resettlement. But individuals who decide to stay in the area require assistance with adequate arrangements to stay. The decision whether to leave or stay should be left up to the people, and should never be imposed.